ADOLESCENCE

1 DEFINING ADOLESCENCE

The period of development that we call adolescence is an exciting one. It is filled with discovery, turmoil, growth toward independence, and the beginning of lifelong commitments. It is clearly a period of transition – from the dependence of childhood to the independence of adulthood. It is very difficult, however, to specify exactly when adolescence begins or when it ends.
We may choose to define adolescence in biological terms. In that case, adolescence begins with the onset of puberty (with sexual maturity and a rediness to reproduce) and ends with the end of physical growth. Or we may adopt a more psychological perspective and emphasize the development of the cognitions, feelings, and behaviors that characterize adolescence. This approach views adolescence “as a psychological process occuring within the individual” (Forisha-Koviach, 1983). Additionally, it is also possible to think about adolescence from a social perspective by examining the role of adolescents in society. Such views generally define adolescence in terms of being in-between – not yet an adult, but no longer a child. In this context, the period usually lasts from the early teen years through one’s highest levels of education, when the individual is thought to enter the adult world.
Actually, whether we accept a biological, psychological, or social approach to defining adolescence, we usually are talking about people between the ages of approximately 12 and 20. Some psychologists consider this period in terms of growth and positive change, others view adolescence as a period of great turmoil, stress, rebellion, and negativism (Conger and Peterson, 1984). Adolescence may very well be filled with conflict, storm, and stress, but it is also a period of adjustment that most of us manage to survive quite well. In fact, the picture of the troubled, rebellious, difficult, uncooperative adolescent is probably more of a social stereotype than a reality (Garbarino, 1985; Manning, 1983).


2 PHYSICAL CHANGE IN ADOLESCENCE

The onset of adolescence is generally marked by two biological or physical changes. First, there is a marked increase in height and weight, known as a growth spurt[1], and second, there is sexual maturation.
The growth spurt of early adolescence usually occurs in girls at an earlier age than it does in boys. Girls begin their growth spurt as early as 9 or 10 years of age and then slow down at about age 15. Boys generally show their increased rate of growth between the ages of 12 and 17 years. Indeed, males usually don’t reach their adult height until their early 20s, whereas girls generally attain their maximum height by their late teens (Tanner, 1981).
At least some of the potential psychological turmoil of early adolescence may be a direct result of the growth spurt. It is not uncommon to find increases in weight and height occuring so rapidly that boys in particular have a hard time coordinating their larger hands and feet and may appear awkward and clumsy. Boys also have the problem of voice change. As their vocal cords grow and lengthen, the pitch of the voice is lowered. Much to the embarrasment of many a teenage boy, this transition is seldom smooth, and the boy may suffer through weeks or months of a squeaking, crackling, change of pitch right in the middle of a serious conversation (Adams and Gullota, 1983).
Many girls and boys reach puberty before or after most of their peers, or age mates, and are referred to as early or late bloomers. Reaching puberty well before or well after others of one’s age does have some psychological effects, although few are long-lasting. An early blooming girl will probably be taller, stronger, faster, and more athletic than other girls (and many of the boys). She is likely to start dating earlier and to marry at a younger age than her peers. Because of the premium put on the physical activity in boys, the early-maturing boy is at a great advantage. He will have more early dating experiences, which will raise his status with his peers.
For young teenagers of both sexes, being a late bloomer is more negative in its impact than being an early bloomer (Gross and Duke, 1980). There is some evidence that late maturing boys carry a sense of inadequacy and poor self-esteem into adulthood. Some late-maturing girls, however, feel – at least in retrospect – that being a late bloomer was an advantage because it offered them the opportunity to develop some broadening interests, rather than becoming “boy-crazy” like so many of their peers in early adolescence (Tobin-Richards et al., 1984). Although generalizations are dangerous, we may suggest that (1) early maturity is more advantageous than later maturity, at least at the time of one’s adolescence, and (2) boys profit from early maturity more than girls and may suffer more than girls from later maturity.
With all the physical and psychological changes that occur in early adolescence, it is easy to see why G. Stanley Hall, in the first textbook written about adolescence, was moved to describe the period as one of “second birth” (Hall, 1905).

3 COGNITIVE AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Adolescence is a developmental period in which, according to Piaget, one is now able to think abstractly and to image, to think about what is and to ponder what might be. This new, higher level of mental operations often gets turned toward self-analysis, toward a contemplation of one’s self in a social context (Keating, 1980). In this section, we’ll examine three issues related to cognitive and social processes in adolescent development: identity formation, adolescent egocentrism, and the influ­ence of farnily.

IDENTITY FORMATION
Adolescents give the impression of being great experimenters. They experiment with hair styles, music, religions. drugs, sexual outlets, fad diets, part-time jobs, part-time relationships, and part-time philosophies of life. In fact, it often seems that teenagers' commitments are made on a part-time basis. They are busily trying things out, doing things their way, off on a grand search for Truth.

This perception of adolescents as experimenters is not without foundation. It is consistent with the view that one of the major tasks of adolescence is the resolution of an identity crisis - the struggle to define and integrate the sense of who one is, what one is to do in life, and what one's attitudes, beliefs, and values should be. During adolescence, we come to grips with many questions: "Who am I?" "What am 1 going to do with my life?" "What is the point of it all?" Needless to say, these are not trivial questions. A person's search for his or her identity may lead to conflicts. Some of these conflicts may be resolved very easily, some continue into adulthood.

The concept of identity formation is associated with the personality theorist Erik Erikson. For Erikson, the search for identity is the fifth of eight stages of psychosocial development. It is the stage that occurs during the adolescent years. For some youngsters, adolescence brings very little confusion or conflict at all in terms of attitudes, beliefs or values. Many teenagers are quite able and willing to accept without question the values and sense of seIf that they began to develop in childhood.

For many teenagers, however, the conflict of identity is quite real. They have a sense of giving up the values of parents and teachers in favor of new ones - their own. On the other hand, physical growth, physiological changes, increased sexuality, and perceived societal pressures to decide what they want to be when they “grow up” may lead to what Erikson calls role confusion. Wanting to be independent. to be one's self, often does not fit in with the values of the past, of childhood. Hence, the teenager tries to experiment with different possibilities in an attempt to see what works out best, occasionally to the dissatisfaction of bewildered parents.

ADOLESCENT EGOCENTRISM
Egocentrism - a focusing on one's self and an inability to take the point of view of others - was used by Piaget to describe part of the cognitive functioning of young children (between the ages of 2 and 6). David Elkind (1981, 1984) uses the term egocentrism in a slightly different way. In adolescent egocentrism, not only do individuals engage in self-centered thinking, but they also come to believe that virtually everyone else is thinking about them, too. Because they can now think abstractly, adolescents begin to think about the thoughts of others and have a tendency to believe that they are usually the focus of attention. Needless to say, adolescent egocentrism often leads to a heightened sense of self-consciousness.

Elkind proposes two particular manifestations of adolescent egocentrism. For one thing, teenagers often feel that they are constantly "on stage," performing. They become quite convinced that when they enter a room, everyone is watching them and making judgments about everything - from what they are wearing to how their hair is styled. Now, in truth, it may be that no one is watching, but the youngster believes that they are. Elkind calls this the construction of an imaginary audience. Coming to think that everyone is watching and analyzing you is explanation enough for the extreme self-consciousness of many young teens, argues Elkind (Elkind and Bowen, 1979).

Adolescents often tend to overemphasize their own importance. They are, after all, the focus of their own attention, and given their imaginary audience, they feel they are the focus of everyone else's attention as well. As a result, they tend to develop some rather unrealistic cognitions about themselves, which Elkind calls personal fables. These are essentially sto­ries about themselves that teenagers generate, often on the basis of irra­tional beliefs. They come to believe (egocentrically) that no harm can come to them. They won't become addicted after trying a drug at a party. Their driving won't be affected by alcohol consumption. They won't get pregnant. Those sorts of things happen to others. These sorts of beliefs (cognitions) can be dangerous, of course, and they can be the source of considerable parental aggravation.

THE INFLUENCE OF FAMILY
No matter what label we give it, one of the major processes involved in adolescence is separating in some real way from one's family. With the emergence of one's own identity comes independence and autonomy. The resulting conflict for teenagers is often very real. On the one hand, they want to become autonomous and strike out on their own. At the same time, they sense a sadness and even fear over giving up the securi­ty of home and family.

How adolescents resolve conflicts they have with their parents often hinges significantly on what is termed parental style. Psychologists have identified three major approaches used by parents in dealing with their adolescent children. (It should be pointed out quickly that few parents adopt and use one and only one style). The authoritarian style of parent­ing decrees that, "You should do so, because I say so!" As often as not, the adolescent isn't even allowed to express his or her beliefs. The teenager is seen as a member of low standing in family affairs. Not sur­prisingly, this style of parenting behavior often leads to rebellion, alien­ation, and more conflict. On the other hand, the authoritarian style can lead to submissiveness and conformity, which, for the emerging teenag­er, is maladaptive. The style of parenting called permissive is in many ways at the other extreme from the authoritarian style. Here, the teenag­er has an almost free rein. Parents are supportive, but set few limits. The style most recommended is usually called democratic. Here, parents act as experts, give advice, and do set limits, but they also consult with the teenager, allow some independence of choice, and involve the teenager in decision making.

Most teenagers feel that their parents use a democratic style, and they ,value that style (Kelly and Godwin, 1983). Reports of family difficulties with adolescents can often be traced to either an overly authoritarian or overly permissive style (Baumrind, 1978; Collins, 1982).

[1] Growth spurt: a marked increase in height and weight, typically occuring in adolescence.